The Sanction Threat White-Collar Crime · Crime Lab 4 · Midwestern State University
In 1996 Paternoster and Simpson gave 96 MBA students and executives four scenarios each, in which a manager at a company called Steelcorp commits a corporate crime, and asked how likely they would be to do the same. The details of each scenario were randomly varied: whether a supervisor gave the order, whether an employee had recently been punished for the same act, whether the act was common practice in the firm, how much money it would save. That design lets you see which features of the situation move a decision. This lab runs a version of that study on this class. You will read four scenarios with randomly assigned details, record your intentions, and then compare what moved you to what moved their sample, and to what the deterrence research says about corporate enforcement. Work alone on the first tab. The rest can be done in pairs. Each of you submits your own response sheet at the end of class.
Four scenarios, randomly assembled
You are the manager in each scenario. Read it, then answer the four questions below it. The details in each scenario were assigned at random when this page loaded, so your four scenarios differ from the person next to you. Do not compare answers until everyone has finished. Answer as you actually would, not as you think you should; the study only works if you do.
0 of 4 scenarios answered.
Your own results
What moved Paternoster and Simpson's respondents
Their 96 respondents produced 384 scenario judgments. The randomized details were entered as predictors, along with each respondent's own perceptions of the risks, the benefits, the shame they would feel, and whether the act violated their personal moral code.
Of everything they measured, which factor had the largest effect on a respondent's stated intention to commit the act?
The respondent's own moral code. Net of every cost and benefit they measured, the belief that the act was wrong was the single best predictor of intentions, with a t-ratio of -3.38, ahead of career advancement. The authors' phrase for this is a "deontological source of conformity": people held back by a rule, not by a calculation. Their second finding follows from it. When moral inhibitions were high, the costs and benefits of the act were "virtually superfluous." Those acts sat in what they call nonmarket areas, where no price is being computed. When moral inhibitions were weak, the sanction threats and the benefits did their work.
What the randomized details did. Intentions were higher when the act would save the firm a large sum, give it a chance to challenge a disliked law, or help against foreign competition; when it was common practice within the firm; and when a supervisor ordered it. Intentions were lower when the respondent perceived a real risk of formal or informal sanctions for themselves. Two details that seemed obvious had no effect: the prospect of a promotion, and being noticed by top management. And sanctions aimed at the company deterred only by raising the perceived cost to the individual; once the individual's own risk was in the model, the firm-level sanction dropped out. Respondents were also more willing to fix prices or pay a bribe than to violate an emissions standard.
Piquero, Exum, and Simpson (2005) added a personality trait. Using the same scenario method, they found that a person's desire for control over events was itself associated with higher intentions to offend, over and above the rational choice variables. The manager who needs to be in charge of outcomes is more willing to break a rule to secure them. That is a trait, not a calculation, and it sits alongside moral belief as something the sanction threat does not reach.
Sources: Paternoster, R., and Simpson, S. (1996). Sanction threats and appeals to morality: Testing a rational choice model of corporate crime. Law and Society Review, 30(3), 549-583 (sample and design, pp. 557-558; Table 1A dimensions, pp. 559-560; scenario-dimension results, p. 568; individual-level results, pp. 571-572; the t = -3.376 figure and firm-level sanctions working through individual cost, p. 573; nonmarket areas, pp. 574-576; appendix scenarios, pp. 580-581). Piquero, N. L., Exum, M. L., and Simpson, S. S. (2005). Integrating the desire-for-control and rational choice in a corporate crime context. Justice Quarterly, 22(2), 252-280.
What deters companies, according to 58 studies
Schell-Busey, Simpson, Rorie, and Alper reviewed every study they could find that tested a formal legal intervention against corporate offending, and pooled the results. They sorted the interventions into four kinds: a law (a statute or regulation on its own), punitive sanctions (fines, prosecutions, and the like), regulatory policy (inspections, audits, and agency practice), and multiple treatments used together.
Which kind of intervention produced a consistent, statistically significant deterrent effect at both the individual and the company level?
Multiple treatments. With one exception, the single strategies had minimal to no deterrent impact at either level. The exception was regulatory policy, which had a significant effect at the company level but not consistently across study types. Interventions that combined strategies produced a consistent, significant deterrent effect on both individual and corporate offending. The moderator analysis added a caution: older and less rigorous studies were more likely to report deterrence than newer experimental ones. The authors' conclusion is that a mix of agency interventions is likely to have the largest impact, which is the logic of the enforcement pyramid you will meet in Week 15.
Put the two readings together. Paternoster and Simpson show that a sanction aimed at the company deters only insofar as a manager inside it perceives a cost to themselves. Schell-Busey and colleagues show that a single instrument, whether a law or a penalty, rarely moves the numbers on its own. Both point the same way: deterrence of corporate crime runs through the perceived certainty of consequences for the individual decision-maker, and that certainty is built by several instruments working at once, not by a large fine.
Source: Schell-Busey, N., Simpson, S. S., Rorie, M., and Alper, M. (2016). What works? A systematic review of corporate crime deterrence. Criminology and Public Policy, 15(2), 387-416 (abstract and summary of findings; you have the 2017 ComplianceNet working paper version).
The 2025 enforcement memorandum
On May 12, 2025, the head of the Justice Department's Criminal Division issued a memorandum titled Focus, Fairness, and Efficiency in the Fight Against White-Collar Crime, your other Meeting B reading. It is the current statement of how federal prosecutors are told to approach corporate crime. Read it as a manager in one of the scenarios would: what does it do to the certainty and severity of the sanction you face?
Using Paternoster and Simpson's findings, which part of the memo would you expect to matter most to a manager deciding whether to commit one of the four scenario acts?
Two answers are defensible, and the tension between them is the lesson. The individual-first instruction is the one Paternoster and Simpson's model predicts will matter, because sanctions deter through the perceived cost to the person deciding, and a policy that says the person will be charged raises that cost directly. But the priority list works the other way. A manager fixing prices in an industry that is not on the list, or violating an emissions standard, has just been told that federal attention is elsewhere, and TRAC's count shows what that looks like in practice: white-collar prosecutions fell to a projected 3,862 in fiscal 2025, the lowest on record, with a prosecution rate of 24 percent of referrals. Certainty is not set by a memo's stated intent. It is set by what the manager believes will happen, and the manager reads the whole document.
The declination path is the part that speaks to the firm, not the person. A company that discovers misconduct and reports it can now expect to avoid prosecution if it cooperates and remediates. Paternoster and Simpson's data say that matters only if it changes what the manager expects for themselves, and a company that self-reports usually does so by handing over the individuals involved. So the declination policy may raise individual certainty inside firms that adopt it, and lower it everywhere else. Whether that nets out to more or less deterrence is an empirical question that Schell-Busey's review says no single study will settle.
Sources: U.S. Department of Justice, Criminal Division, Memorandum from Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Criminal Division, Focus, Fairness, and Efficiency in the Fight Against White-Collar Crime, May 12, 2025 (available on justice.gov; the quoted phrases are from the sections on priorities, individual accountability, the Corporate Enforcement and Voluntary Self-Disclosure Policy, monitors, and resolution length). TRAC, Federal Prosecution of White-Collar Crimes Receiving Less and Less Attention, May 23, 2025.
Lab 4 response sheet
Answer the four questions below in complete sentences. Then use the button at the bottom to assemble your answers and your scenario data into one block of text, and paste that text into the Lab 4 submission in D2L before you leave class. Your data stay on this page and are not sent anywhere until you paste them.
About the scenarios
The four scenarios are adapted from the examples in the appendix to Paternoster and Simpson (1996), pp. 580-581, with the same four offense types (price fixing, manipulation of sales data, violation of environmental standards, bribery) and the same fictional firm. Four of their ten randomized dimensions are used here, each with two levels: whether the manager was ordered by a supervisor or decided alone; whether an employee was recently criminally sanctioned or recently acquitted for a similar act; whether the act is common practice within the firm or the firm has a hotline and random audits; and whether the act will save the firm a large or a small amount of money. Levels are assigned by the page at random when it loads. The response items (chance you would do it, chance a typical manager would, moral evaluation, and shame) follow the article's measures in simplified form. This is a classroom exercise built for one person at a time, not a replication.